War on Universities, Lawyers & Expertise

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You sure about those numbers? The differences here look starker than that:


Also I think it's entirely fair to say that MAGA has a general disdain for higher education, no matter how you want to frame it. The whole movement is built around resentment towards "elites" (by which they mean not rich people, but highly educated people - and especially, as you alluded to, highly educated people with a background in liberal arts and the "soft sciences" who have expertise in any particular subject matter). There are absolutely some highly educated people who are part of their coalition, but they are happy to cynically repeat the same critiques of higher education - and the highly educated - without acknowledging the benefit they received from their own education (or by using some sort of "to beat the enemy, I had to understand how he thinks" sort of logic).

If there is any general animating principle behind MAGA other than Trump worship, it is a disdain for educated coastal "elites" who use big fancy words, and the institutions where those people are educated that, as you note, they believe are indoctrinating their students with liberal ideology. Just listen to a monologue from the main character of any Taylor Sheridan show if you need a mission statement of why MAGA believes those people are the enemy and the "real Americans" are people who work with their hands and use 1- and 2-syllable words.
51 to 46% for college degree holders? To me that's pretty close.
 
51 to 46% for college degree holders? To me that's pretty close.
First of all, just in terms of framing: not everyone who voted for Trump in 2024 is "MAGA." Maybe 60-75% of those Trump voters are. I'm confident the numbers would be starker if you isolated for just people who identify as "MAGA."

Just for an example of how MAGA attitudes towards higher education are different than for Republicans as a whole, look at this Vanderbilt U polling from 2025: Vanderbilt Unity Poll: Confidence in higher education rebounds, though affordability and political bias are still concerns

Key excerpt:

Even looking at the opinions among partisan respondents, confidence in higher education is net positive. Among Democrats, there is a 48-percentage point difference in the percentage who express confidence {69 percent} and those who do not {21 percent}. Among Republicans, there is a 14 percentage point confidence gap {with 35 percent expressing confidence, 21 percent expressing a lack of confidence and the rest expressing “some” confidence}.

It is only among the 20 percent of the sample who say that they identify most with the Make America Great Again movement that confidence in higher education is slightly underwater—with 24 percent expressing confidence, 31 percent expressing a lack of confidence and the remaining 45 percent saying they have “some confidence.”


This quote is even more telling:


Sixty-five percent of those surveyed also believe colleges and institutions are having a positive effect on society, but here polarization is more telling. A large majority of Democrats and, to a lesser degree, traditional Republicans, hold this view. Most notably, among MAGA Republicans, 65 percent feel colleges and universities are having a negative impact on the state of the country.

Second of all, even the +5% Dem lean of 2024 presidential election voters with a n undergrad degree and the +9 Rep lean of the "some college" faction (which would be people who graduated HS but not college) is more than a "couple percentage points." And you will notice that even thhat 5% number looks like an outlier compared to the previous two elections.
 
Who the hell do they think are going be Doctors and Lawyers and such?
They don't like doctors and lawyers and the professional classes in general. These are people, after all, who completely ignored the warnings of mainstream doctors and medical experts and eagerly took horse paste called Ivermectin in the utterly wrong belief that it would cure covid. A big part of Trumpism is that it is a class war by working-class whites on the experts and professional classes - they're the "elites" that MAGAs talk about and disdain so much.
 
First of all, just in terms of framing: not everyone who voted for Trump in 2024 is "MAGA." Maybe 60-75% of those Trump voters are. I'm confident the numbers would be starker if you isolated for just people who identify as "MAGA."

Just for an example of how MAGA attitudes towards higher education are different than for Republicans as a whole, look at this Vanderbilt U polling from 2025: Vanderbilt Unity Poll: Confidence in higher education rebounds, though affordability and political bias are still concerns

Key excerpt:

Even looking at the opinions among partisan respondents, confidence in higher education is net positive. Among Democrats, there is a 48-percentage point difference in the percentage who express confidence {69 percent} and those who do not {21 percent}. Among Republicans, there is a 14 percentage point confidence gap {with 35 percent expressing confidence, 21 percent expressing a lack of confidence and the rest expressing “some” confidence}.

It is only among the 20 percent of the sample who say that they identify most with the Make America Great Again movement that confidence in higher education is slightly underwater—with 24 percent expressing confidence, 31 percent expressing a lack of confidence and the remaining 45 percent saying they have “some confidence.”


This quote is even more telling:


Sixty-five percent of those surveyed also believe colleges and institutions are having a positive effect on society, but here polarization is more telling. A large majority of Democrats and, to a lesser degree, traditional Republicans, hold this view. Most notably, among MAGA Republicans, 65 percent feel colleges and universities are having a negative impact on the state of the country.

Second of all, even the +5% Dem lean of 2024 presidential election voters with a n undergrad degree and the +9 Rep lean of the "some college" faction (which would be people who graduated HS but not college) is more than a "couple percentage points." And you will notice that even thhat 5% number looks like an outlier compared to the previous two elections.
thanks for all of this, nailed it. yesterday when GT nonsensically bo'sided the education thing i started digging into it and found some of the same stuff you did but got too busy with work to respond to his nonsense.
 
Our Secretary of War has declared war on our elite colleges and universities ( He graduated from Princeton and Harvard ).

Is this a case of pulling up the ladder behind you ?

 
All this bullshit about anti-Semitism reminds me of the Simpsons episode when Sideshow Bob ran for mayor.

Mayor Quimby even released Sideshow Bob, a man twice convicted of attempted murder. Vote for Sideshow Bob!
 

Virginia State Terminates 6 Professors Without Due Process​

Campus security escorted the professors—five tenured and one tenure-track—to their cars and issued no-trespass warnings. They have received no written explanation for their dismissals.
 
The firing actually happened back in early December.

"Six professors fired from Virginia State University’s Agricultural Research Station are speaking out — and local farmers say the impact is immediate. The group, calling themselves the “Fired Six,” claim wrongful termination and are demanding reinstatement. Ongoing research projects worth millions — including work supporting small and part-time farmers — have been disrupted. VSU says it made programmatic adjustments, but faculty and supporters argue that academic due process was ignored. What this means for farmers, research funding, and collective bargaining debates."



"This action follows recent federal changes to agricultural research funding, policy priorities, and USDA operations, which could significantly affect the station both directly and indirectly.
Gwen Williams Dandridge, a VSU spokeswoman, said in a statement that personnel matters are confidential and that the institution does not comment on individual employment actions.

On Dec. 16, 2025, the collective said they were called individually into meetings, which were presented as discussions about the research station’s transformational efforts. During these meetings, they were told their research programs were being sunset and that their employment would end immediately.

The group said they were given no written grounds for termination and were pressured to sign severance agreements immediately without adequate time to review the documents or consult legal counsel. They said they were warned that refusal would result in the forfeiture of any severance.

When they declined to sign the agreements, they were escorted off campus by university police, required to surrender IDs, keys, and equipment, and issued trespass warnings despite no misconduct.
Dandridge said VSU recently made “programmatic adjustments” in the College of Agriculture to align research and operations with the university’s strategic goals.

“The college remains fully operational and continues to provide high-quality instruction, research, and outreach,” Dandridge wrote.

United Campus Workers, American Association of University Professors supporters, and other community members joined the six professors Tuesday as they gathered in a nearby park outside campus.

The American Association of University Professors said VSU’s actions breached accepted standards for academic due process, which require written charges and a chance to present evidence."
 

Inside Texas A&M’s Scramble to Censor Its Curriculum​

Documents reveal widespread uncertainty, even among administrators, over what professors could teach.

February 27, 2026
Less than a month before the start of the spring semester, the head of the sociology department at Texas A&M University’s College Station campus wasn’t sure if she’d be able to offer one of the department’s core courses, “Introduction to Race and Ethnicity.”

The chair, Jennifer Glanville, couldn’t discern whether that course’s curriculum would violate a newly enacted Texas A&M system policy that banned the teaching of “race ideology,” “gender ideology,” or “topics related to sexual orientation or gender identity” in core courses and required senior administrators to certify that upper-level classes have a “necessary educational purpose” for doing so.

The policy, passed by the system’s Board of Regents in December, marked an expansion of a November rule that prohibited “advocacy” of the same subjects. It came as a “gut punch,” as one administrator described it to another in an email, to representatives of the university’s College of Arts and Sciences, who now had weeks to “mitigate” the relevant material in their syllabi and apply for limited exemptions, or face canceling classes students had already enrolled in.

While the policy was originally drafted to head off one academic-freedom controversy — in which an instructor was fired after a student secretly recorded her teaching about gender — it quickly sparked another. A philosophy professor, Martin Peterson, was told to remove readings from Plato from his syllabus, a move that drew criticism from across higher ed.

Emails and documents obtained by The Chronicle via a public-records request show widespread uncertainty, even among senior administrators, about whether certain topics were permissible. As negotiations progressed, faculty members suspected administrators were willfully interpreting the board’s stipulations more broadly than necessary. Administrators referred professors to flowcharts about the decision process that only confused them more. And associate deans worried about how to explain final decisions to students.

Glanville, the sociology department head, outlined in an email to administrators seven possible “pain points” in the “Introduction to Race and Ethnicity” course.


For example, she asked, “Does any discussion of white privilege violate policy, even if the instructor is explicit that the goal of discussing privilege is not to assign guilt or blame, or to tell any individual student that they are an ‘oppressor’?” Would a reading that describes a privilege walk “violate policy even if the reading is criticizing that approach?” (Glanville did not return a request for comment from The Chronicle.)

Administrators didn’t have ready answers to Glanville’s questions. Their guidance came in the form of complicated flowcharts and matrices, which were themselves based on murky instructions from the system. “We are sort of stuck here, since the guidance we received is both overly wordy and unclear,” one associate dean acknowledged.

That ambiguity, combined with the compressed timeline for making changes, sent the college into a tailspin. “Please help me understand whether it is likely that my two courses violate system policy and, thus, should be canceled — despite the fact that they are both degree requirements?” one faculty member implored.

A small group of College of Arts and Sciences administrators were tasked with reviewing courses to determine whether they complied with the revised policy. In back-and-forth exchanges with college deans, faculty members questioned how many core courses, and in which departments, needed to be assessed for compliance.


Weeks before the start of the spring semester, the head of the English department asked if a faculty member must seek an exemption for a course that includes a book that “does contain some parts about the author’s identity as a lesbian.”

In response, Cynthia Werner, an associate dean in the College of Arts and Sciences, said that as long as the faculty member used the book to cover topics not related to sexual orientation: “I personally think that it is okay to keep the book in the course.”



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In other instances, clarification on what was allowed was elusive.


Claire Katz, an associate provost, asked Werner and Simon North, interim dean of the College of Arts and Sciences, how they were advising faculty members to respond when students raised questions about gender. “Are we telling faculty that they simply can’t have these discussions in class?” Katz asked.

“There are too many different factors to provide a single answer to your question about responding to a student question during a class discussion,” Werner replied. “Depends on topic prior to the question, existence of course exception approval, how the question is framed (including the tone).”

Emails also reveal confusion among professors about who was making the decisions on potential policy violations — regents or college-level administrators?

On December 23, days after the board instated the policy, Ira Dworkin, an associate professor of English, wrote to North that the scrutiny into courses that touched on race and gender went beyond the policy’s intended target: race and gender ideology. The board rule defines gender ideology as teaching that self-assigned gender identity should “replace the biological sex” and race ideology as “a concept that attempts to shame a particular race or ethnicity” or “accuse them of being oppressors in a racial hierarchy.” He argued that North’s interpretation of the policy weakened humanities courses.

cont.
 
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“Your office must make policy based on the language of the rule as it is written,” Dworkin wrote. “Otherwise you, not the regents, are the author of this prohibition.”

Vanita Reddy, an associate professor of English, felt the College of Arts and Sciences was doing the Board of Regents’ “bidding” by interpreting the policy differently from other colleges.

Reddy asked Werner, the associate dean, why the college was interpreting teaching about sexual orientation and gender identity as if those terms applied only to gay, lesbian, and transgender identities, and not also straight or cis-gender identities.

“The response I received is that the college has worked with department heads and among itself to come up with, essentially, ‘best guesses’ as to what the BOR is asking for in its reference to these as ‘topics,’ and has relied on ‘side conversations’ to come up with those ‘best guesses’ for departments,” Reddy wrote.

Reddy told The Chronicle that some of her questions were answered by February 26 guidance from the provost’s office that outlines how the college is interpreting what it means to “teach” versus to “advocate” certain concepts. While she’s on research leave this semester, she’s preparing to craft an exception request for an “LGBTQ Literatures” course she and a colleague are slated to teach this fall.

Because the course is cross-listed with the women’s and gender studies program — which is being eliminated — she’s been asked to justify its existence from a literary perspective. That’s a challenging prospect, she said, in “a class where you cannot separate, for example, queer social movements, from the literary texts that we’re teaching.”

The “Introduction to Race and Ethnicity” course wound up being canceled for the spring semester, “to give some breathing room in the midst of the late (and ill-defined) policy changes,” Stefanie Harris, the college’s associate dean for faculty affairs, wrote to North and another administrator. That left administrators with another problem: breaking the news to the approximately 40 students enrolled in the course.

In an early-January message, they told students they had “carefully considered the necessary changes required to make this course compliant” with the new policy and ultimately determined that “we cannot teach this course in its present form.” (Before that message was sent, Harris recommended removing two sentences that tied the course’s cancellation to the policy “so that this course is not a target when it is offered again,” worrying that the announcement would otherwise “be the next headline in The Chronicle.”)

Texas A&M administrators announced they had completed their course review on January 30. Three days later, the university’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors released a statement accusing the university of spreading misinformation. The association said that faculty members were still being asked in February to make changes to their courses, and that the university had used the course-review process as a “bait-and-switch” to eliminate the women’s and gender studies program. (A spokesperson attributed the program’s elimination in part to low enrollment, adding that it had fewer students than any other major on campus.)

The Texas A&M system reviewed 5,400 courses for compliance with the policy. The flagship university did not count the number removed from its core curriculum; six courses were canceled for the spring term, a spokesperson told The Chronicle.

But that figure doesn’t capture the scope of the changes, said Leonard Bright, president of the university’s AAUP chapter and a professor at Texas A&M’s Bush School of Government and Public Service. Bright’s graduate-level “Ethics of Public Policy” course was among those canceled.

“The real damage with what is going on here is not with that little number,” Bright said, referencing the six canceled courses. “It’s with the hundreds of courses that faculty have whispered to each other that they changed out of a sense of fear.”

 
Continued from block above...

“Your office must make policy based on the language of the rule as it is written,” Dworkin wrote. “Otherwise you, not the regents, are the author of this prohibition.”

Vanita Reddy, an associate professor of English, felt the College of Arts and Sciences was doing the Board of Regents’ “bidding” by interpreting the policy differently from other colleges.

Reddy asked Werner, the associate dean, why the college was interpreting teaching about sexual orientation and gender identity as if those terms applied only to gay, lesbian, and transgender identities, and not also straight or cis-gender identities.

“The response I received is that the college has worked with department heads and among itself to come up with, essentially, ‘best guesses’ as to what the BOR is asking for in its reference to these as ‘topics,’ and has relied on ‘side conversations’ to come up with those ‘best guesses’ for departments,” Reddy wrote.

Reddy told The Chronicle that some of her questions were answered by February 26 guidance from the provost’s office that outlines how the college is interpreting what it means to “teach” versus to “advocate” certain concepts. While she’s on research leave this semester, she’s preparing to craft an exception request for an “LGBTQ Literatures” course she and a colleague are slated to teach this fall.

Because the course is cross-listed with the women’s and gender studies program — which is being eliminated — she’s been asked to justify its existence from a literary perspective. That’s a challenging prospect, she said, in “a class where you cannot separate, for example, queer social movements, from the literary texts that we’re teaching.”

The “Introduction to Race and Ethnicity” course wound up being canceled for the spring semester, “to give some breathing room in the midst of the late (and ill-defined) policy changes,” Stefanie Harris, the college’s associate dean for faculty affairs, wrote to North and another administrator. That left administrators with another problem: breaking the news to the approximately 40 students enrolled in the course.

In an early-January message, they told students they had “carefully considered the necessary changes required to make this course compliant” with the new policy and ultimately determined that “we cannot teach this course in its present form.” (Before that message was sent, Harris recommended removing two sentences that tied the course’s cancellation to the policy “so that this course is not a target when it is offered again,” worrying that the announcement would otherwise “be the next headline in The Chronicle.”)

Texas A&M administrators announced they had completed their course review on January 30. Three days later, the university’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors released a statement accusing the university of spreading misinformation. The association said that faculty members were still being asked in February to make changes to their courses, and that the university had used the course-review process as a “bait-and-switch” to eliminate the women’s and gender studies program. (A spokesperson attributed the program’s elimination in part to low enrollment, adding that it had fewer students than any other major on campus.)

The Texas A&M system reviewed 5,400 courses for compliance with the policy. The flagship university did not count the number removed from its core curriculum; six courses were canceled for the spring term, a spokesperson told The Chronicle.

But that figure doesn’t capture the scope of the changes, said Leonard Bright, president of the university’s AAUP chapter and a professor at Texas A&M’s Bush School of Government and Public Service. Bright’s graduate-level “Ethics of Public Policy” course was among those canceled.

“The real damage with what is going on here is not with that little number,” Bright said, referencing the six canceled courses. “It’s with the hundreds of courses that faculty have whispered to each other that they changed out of a sense of fear.”

If this continues to its ultimate conclusion, one has to wonder what the value of a degree from schools like Texas A&M is going to be worth. Probably their STEM programs will be fine, but the humanities and liberal arts? What good is a degree from a school in which critical thinking and academic freedom have been banished and forbidden, and a great many topics declared taboo?
 
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