I couldn't disagree more. The current conservative legal movement has been a war on Congress going back 40 years.
1. The first assault was textualism. Textualism isn't necessarily good or bad, or if it, it's complex. But when applying textualist principles to legislation crafted before courts were using textualist methods, the court wasn't trying to effectuate Congress' intent. It was trying to kill legislation it didn't like. So many of the obnoxious textualism cases were pathetically cramped readings of statutes that eviscerated what Congress intended.
2. Congress adjusted and started writing legislation for textualist review. That's when the court invented its "get out of text free card" (Kagan, J.) -- the major questions doctrine. Now the court could invalidate legislation not based on its text, but on a weird hybrid of speculation and ostensible (but bogus) separation of powers concerns.
That's merely the most egregious of the clear statement rules. The Planned Parenthood case also involved a clear statement rule imposed on legislation retroactively, with no care as to what Congress actually intended.
3. Most of the court's ad hoc results-oriented ad hoc "reasoning" involves some legislature-defeating fiction. Assumptions like words used in different places in the same statute have the same meaning. A passing familiarity with how legislation is constructed shows that to be false. Congress doesn't pay such close attention to wordsmithing because it doesn't have time. John Manning, a leading textualist, told me that he knows he has unrealistic expectations of Congress but supported textualism because it would "hold Congress' feet to the fire." He had no answer to "To what end?"
Then there's the outright hostility to certain statutes -- in particular the Voting Rights Act and the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act. In the former, the Supreme Court has just rewritten statutes to bear no resemblance to anything Congress passed. See, e.g., Brnovich v DNC (Alito, J.), one of the very worst statutory interpretation cases I've ever read. And the BCRA was gutted systematically, one idiotic argument at a time. Citizens United was merely the culmination of a line of cases starting with Wisconsin Right To Life v. someone I've forgotten.
4. Biden v. Nebraska (student loan case) was nominally about an executive action, but it was a statutory case after they made an exception in standing doctrine for the state litigants. The administration said that the loan forgiveness was authorized by statute. The Court said, "nah. We don't think Congress would have done that" even though it did. Major questions doctrine, and all.
5. The Court's sustained attack on the APA has been a feature of its recent decisions, and that of course is an attack on a Congressional statute.