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This is a very strong 8th post. Coming from a man with 1000% more posts than you no less.I just read through a few things that popped up, and what I saw was no clear consensus - some papers seem to argue that betting markets are better predictors (e.g., your link, and this), others argue that they are worse (example, example), some argue that it's unclear what performs better (example) or that they contain the same information (link). So in short, I don't see how any sensible person could survey that literature and come to the conclusion that betting markets are more accurate than polls.
As someone who's career is built around figuring out ways to measure things robustly, one thing that has irritated me in the post-538 era (these poll-conglomerating "models") is that there is never an honest discussion about actual information content. Or to put it another way, what, if any, significance is there to someone's fancy model assigning 55% "probability" for one candidate to win? It doesn't take a fancy model to quickly assess that the range of plausible outcomes for the US presidential election has 2 possibilities. The simplest model one could build would then be a coin flip - in fact I've just constructed such a model! I even ran 10,000 simulations of the election, and guess what, it's a real horse race with Kamala Harris winning 50.7% of the time, and Trump winning 49.3% of the time. How in the world would one ever construct a statistical test to robustly show that my coin flip model is less predictive than the NYT or 538 or whatever simulator giving one candidate a 53% chance and the other a 47% change. Do you know how many elections for which you'd have to have actual data (results) to be able to distinguish in a statistically robust way that the NYT/538 models are fundamentally different from a coin flip? The answer is a lot, but we just get the one.
Polling average 270 to win, RCP, and 538 on Nov 2, 2020:Trump voters are anything but silent.
If anything I suspect there are a lot of secret Kamala voters out there. They are women in red districts too afraid to tell their husbands, friends, or congregation they are voting for Harris.
But yellowjacket assured us that betting markets were better than polls, multiple times. No, he didn't provide any evidence or data to back up his oft-repeated claim and even appeared to take umbrage at being asked to provide the same. Then something was mumbled about people not wanting to hear about something they disagree with and that he'd "played that game before." Now's your chance, yellowjacket...I just read through a few things that popped up, and what I saw was no clear consensus - some papers seem to argue that betting markets are better predictors (e.g., your link, and this), others argue that they are worse (example, example), some argue that it's unclear what performs better (example) or that they contain the same information (link). So in short, I don't see how any sensible person could survey that literature and come to the conclusion that betting markets are more accurate than polls.
A couple of those are really cool studies. One gives a method for using all polls from 200 days before the election that outperforms betting markets. Another looks at other methods like sentiment analysis of social media posts to outperform polls and prediction markets. That's new.I just read through a few things that popped up, and what I saw was no clear consensus - some papers seem to argue that betting markets are better predictors (e.g., your link, and this), others argue that they are worse (example, example), some argue that it's unclear what performs better (example) or that they contain the same information (link). So in short, I don't see how any sensible person could survey that literature and come to the conclusion that betting markets are more accurate than polls.
As someone who's career is built around figuring out ways to measure things robustly, one thing that has irritated me in the post-538 era (these poll-conglomerating "models") is that there is never an honest discussion about actual information content. Or to put it another way, what, if any, significance is there to someone's fancy model assigning 55% "probability" for one candidate to win? It doesn't take a fancy model to quickly assess that the range of plausible outcomes for the US presidential election has 2 possibilities. The simplest model one could build would then be a coin flip - in fact I've just constructed such a model! I even ran 10,000 simulations of the election, and guess what, it's a real horse race with Kamala Harris winning 50.7% of the time, and Trump winning 49.3% of the time. How in the world would one ever construct a statistical test to robustly show that my coin flip model is less predictive than the NYT or 538 or whatever simulator giving one candidate a 53% chance and the other a 47% change. Do you know how many elections for which you'd have to have actual data (results) to be able to distinguish in a statistically robust way that the NYT/538 models are fundamentally different from a coin flip? The answer is a lot, but we just get the one.
But yellowjacket assured us that betting markets were better than polls, multiple times. No, he didn't provide any evidence or data to back up his oft-repeated claim and even appeared to take umbrage at being asked to provide the same. Then something was mumbled about people not wanting to hear about something they disagree with and that he'd "played that game before." Now's your chance, yellowjacket...
Which gender is more motivated to turnout and vote ? That is the question.Gender data in other swing states (I was surprised to discover extent to which states vary — I knew Alaska is an outlier (it is 51.7% male, which is not as extreme as I expected until you compare to the U.S. average of 50.5% female) but it is one of ten states with more men than women, while Southern states are disproportionately represented among states with the highest rate of more women than men, DC being the heaviest female population at 52.8% female)
Note, however this 2022 Census data is limited to civilian, non-institutionalized residents — all the men in jail are not accounted for (the military folks are supposed to be accounted for as residents of their state of residence at enlistment, but that means that polling of a state like NC with a lot of military bases may underrepresent the male vote if the electorate assumptions are based on census data)
GA - 51.8% female
NC - 51.7% female
PA - 50.8% female
MI - 50.6% female
AZ - 50.5% female
NV - 50.0% female
WI - 49.9% female
FL - 51.1% female (including them for abortion amendment)