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Is this why Dem’s Approval Rating Polls are so bad?

But what if I do resent the electorate? Like vicerally resent them? That's the bridge we are at for the audience you're trying to convince here.
I get it. I really do. It’s exhausting to watch people seemingly vote against not just their own interests, but also your rights, your dignity, your basic sense of decency. Resentment is a human response to betrayal. But as I’ve tried to impress on people here: it’s not a political strategy.

If you’ve reached the point where you viscerally resent the electorate, that’s not a personal failing, but it is a sign of just how much the Democratic Party has failed to inspire trust or build a common cause. Because when you believe the people themselves are the problem, you’ve essentially given up on democracy.

We don’t get to choose the electorate. We only get to decide whether we want to try and move them or not. And if the answer is “not,” that’s fine, but we should be honest about the consequences. You can’t build power on contempt. Not durable power, anyway. Just defensive retreat.

You don’t have to love every voter. But if we still believe in majoritarian democracy, we do need a story, a strategy, and a moral framework that can speak to more than our own reflection.
 
If you think Kamala Harris told a story rooted in dignity, work, and shared struggle, then we weren’t watching the same movie.
Apparently not. When I read your posts I get the sense that everything you say has FOX News spin hiding behind it. Not that you are watching and believing FOX but that you perceive someone like Kamala in the way they want people to perceive her. There is an entire apparatus in place to convince people that Trump doing a photo op at McDonalds makes him real and down with the poors in a way that Kamala, who actually worked at McDonalds and frequently talked about that experience, is not. You seem to just accept their manipulation of the electorate and then blame the Dems for not reaching goal posts that are always going to shift no matter who Dems put up.

Granted, I don't read all your posts, and agree with much of your class-based analysis, but I don't see much criticism of the media from you, nor do I get the sense you accept that people hear messages from women and people of color and queer people differently than they do straight white men. I don't think Kamala was perfect, but put her words and policies in a white man's body, and she wins easily.
 
Do you not remember that Republicans already tried the bathroom panic, and it backfired? Pat McCrory lost the 2016 North Carolina governor’s race because of HB2. The backlash wasn’t because Democrats caved or stayed quiet; it was because the issue was reframed: as government overreach, economic sabotage, and a needless culture war that made NC a national punchline.

The lesson isn’t “give ground on trans issues.” It’s that you don’t win by playing defense. You win by shifting the emotional terrain: mocking their obsession, tying it to real-world harm, and showing voters who the real weirdos are.
I was thinking the same thing. The trans issue for bathrooms with a loser. McCrory lost his political career for that issue and a couple others.

I think the sports issue is a lot more nuanced. Who cares that the person sitting next to you in a stall had different equipment at one point? It doesn't affect me.

But I think a lot of people care if their daughter is playing against someone who has the physical attributes of a guy. Democrats need to acknowledge that and come up with a more nuanced position. And I think there's a way to balance the concerns of a young kid going through a tough time versus a high-level female athlete put in an unfair or even dangerous competition.
 
Apparently not. When I read your posts I get the sense that everything you say has FOX News spin hiding behind it. Not that you are watching and believing FOX but that you perceive someone like Kamala in the way they want people to perceive her. There is an entire apparatus in place to convince people that Trump doing a photo op at McDonalds makes him real and down with the poors in a way that Kamala, who actually worked at McDonalds and frequently talked about that experience, is not. You seem to just accept their manipulation of the electorate and then blame the Dems for not reaching goal posts that are always going to shift no matter who Dems put up.

Granted, I don't read all your posts, and agree with much of your class-based analysis, but I don't see much criticism of the media from you, nor do I get the sense you accept that people hear messages from women and people of color and queer people differently than they do straight white men. I don't think Kamala was perfect, but put her words and policies in a white man's body, and she wins easily.
I hear your frustration, and I get where it’s coming from. There is an entire media apparatus designed to delegitimize Democrats, especially women, people of color, and queer candidates. That distortion is real, and we have to confront it. The answer isn’t to deny when messaging falls flat or assume every failure is purely due to bias. It’s to ask: what actually connects?

You say Kamala “frequently talked about” working at McDonald’s. But it’s not just about saying the words. It’s about whether those words land, whether they form an emotional through-line. Did most voters come away feeling she saw them, felt their struggle, and was fighting for them? I don’t think so. The dominant affect of her campaign was not solidarity, it was resume. Competence. Justification. That’s not a Fox News spin, that’s what millions of disengaged or reluctant voters felt.

So yes, you’re right that bias exists. People absolutely hear messages differently based on who’s delivering them. But bias isn’t destiny. Obama cut through it. Why? Because his message felt real, rooted, consistent, and aimed directly at the material conditions of people’s lives.

You also say you haven’t seen much media criticism from me. Fair enough, but it’s been beat to death on this board. I’ve spent much of this thread talking about how Democrats are filtered through a hostile media ecosystem, and how the liberal class fails to understand narrative power. What I’m trying to do is name the emotional and rhetorical gaps that do exist so we can close them. That’s not giving in to Fox, it’s learning how to beat them.

If we want to win, we have to be able to say two things at once: the media environment is toxic and our messaging needs work. It’s not either/or. It’s both/and.
 
But it’s not just about saying the words. It’s about whether those words land, whether they form an emotional through-line. Did most voters come away feeling she saw them, felt their struggle, and was fighting for them?
I think we disagree on their subconscious willingness to have those words land. The notion of a woman "fighting for" men is a nonstarter for a lot of men.
 
First, forget about wondering how it is too many voters are choosing the Republicans. The GOP is simply taking advantage of how bad the Democratic Party's reputation is with voters. It doesn't take much work by Republicans to do that.

Second, its going to take a presidential candidate that can refashion the Party's brand away from being the Party of special interest groups to being a Party that works for Americans as a whole. Pull that trick off, and the rest will take care of itself.
 
Answer me one question well and I'll take your reply seriously:

How do you build a coalition that includes both transgender folks & their strong allies plus working class conservatives that will vote against transgender rights even to their own economic detriment?

Please give me real specifics of how you bridge that gap, not generalities about "emotional connection" and "telling the right stories" unless you're going to tell me, with specificity, what stories you can tell that will bring those two groups together to vote for the same candidates.

Note: My take isn't because I'm about "moral binaries", it's because working class conservatives are. I'm glad to live in a pluralistic society where everyone can live out their own lives and beliefs as long as it doesn't infringe on others' lives and rights. But as long as Dems aren't willing to sell out LGBTQ+ folks, then we're not appealing to (white) working class conservatives in any real numbers because it is that group will fuck up not only their personal financial futures but the entire fucking economy in order to vote against "wokeness" (read: minorities).
I believe the stories need to show trans people as humans. But I don't believe any story will change the mind of a person that sees trans as being against their religion.

I have a friend who voted for Trump. He really just doesn't understand being trans. He has a friend who's adult child is transitioning, while he doesn't understand, he believes it is that person's choice and is supportive.

He is worried about the sports and bathrooms. When talking he seems to have bought into the propaganda and didn't understand the numbers and existing laws.
 
I think we disagree on their subconscious willingness to have those words land. The notion of a woman "fighting for" men is a nonstarter for a lot of men.
That’s exactly why we need a better strategy, because the terrain is uneven. You’re not wrong that many men struggle with the idea of a woman “fighting for” them. That bias is real. But if we accept that as immovable, then we’re just conceding defeat before the fight even starts. Politics is about shaping perception, not just diagnosing it.

Obama didn’t win because the electorate suddenly stopped being racist. He won because he ran a campaign that told a story people wanted to be part of: one that made them feel seen, inspired, and included. He reframed their biases rather than surrendering to them.

The same principle applies here. We don’t fix that gender bias by pretending it doesn’t exist or by building our whole strategy around avoiding its implications. We fix it by offering stories that resonate more deeply than the bias. That’s why emotional clarity, shared struggle, and narrative discipline matter so much. The messenger will always be judged. The message has to do more than identify the problem. It has to make people believe something better is possible, with them in it.
 
I hear your frustration, and I get where it’s coming from. There is an entire media apparatus designed to delegitimize Democrats, especially women, people of color, and queer candidates. That distortion is real, and we have to confront it. The answer isn’t to deny when messaging falls flat or assume every failure is purely due to bias. It’s to ask: what actually connects?

You say Kamala “frequently talked about” working at McDonald’s. But it’s not just about saying the words. It’s about whether those words land, whether they form an emotional through-line. Did most voters come away feeling she saw them, felt their struggle, and was fighting for them? I don’t think so. The dominant affect of her campaign was not solidarity, it was resume. Competence. Justification. That’s not a Fox News spin, that’s what millions of disengaged or reluctant voters felt.

So yes, you’re right that bias exists. People absolutely hear messages differently based on who’s delivering them. But bias isn’t destiny. Obama cut through it. Why? Because his message felt real, rooted, consistent, and aimed directly at the material conditions of people’s lives.

You also say you haven’t seen much media criticism from me. Fair enough, but it’s been beat to death on this board. I’ve spent much of this thread talking about how Democrats are filtered through a hostile media ecosystem, and how the liberal class fails to understand narrative power. What I’m trying to do is name the emotional and rhetorical gaps that do exist so we can close them. That’s not giving in to Fox, it’s learning how to beat them.

If we want to win, we have to be able to say two things at once: the media environment is toxic and our messaging needs work. It’s not either/or. It’s both/and.
OK, now that you've recycled the same post 15 times, maybe we can switch it up at halftime? For a poster talking incessantly about persuasion, you're doing a pretty poor job of persuading people here. Let me offer some suggestions.

1. Stop invalidating. Do you know how long I have been a Democratic activist? Since I was 16 years old and organizing college students at the tail end of the Reagan Bush years. Some here go further back than that. I've been doing this for considerably longer than you've been alive. I've been through some shit, man.

So why shouldn't I be offended by your tired derogation of our efforts over the years? Or the stupidity of saying, "Democrats have never tried this strategy" even after it's been repeatedly pointed out to you that Democrats and liberals have, indeed, tried this? I promise you this: if there was a universalist message that would resonate with the working class, Dems would have seized it long ago.

There's almost no meat on the bones you offer. It's all about, "we need a message" with no thought given to the obstacles to the development of that message. It's more or less pure optimism. You've said this is a message board and not a peer review board and that's fine, but if you can't offer anything but derogation of our past efforts with essentially nothing constructive, your shtick gets old fast.

Or, to put it another way, what if you had more curiosity about what emotional and social dynamics have caused us to not to trust working class white people? What if you didn't just slap on a label like "neoliberal" or "corporatist" and move on?

2. Let's take a close look at this thing you wrote, and I'd like you to justify it or apologize. "You point out that they vote against their material interests but you don’t really ask why. You don’t show any curiosity about what emotional and social dynamics fill the void where trust in government used to be. You just slap the label “bigot” on them and move on." To this I want to respond: Fuck you, little twat. I don't respond that way because I'd like to be polite to good faith actors, but it's also true that some of this shit makes my blood boil and I'm not the only one. I don't think you really appreciate what you are implicitly saying.

Never have I just slapped the label "bigot" and moved on. To the contrary: I have spent more than half my life, more years than you've been alive, trying to figure out why they vote against their material interests. Genuine asking. Good faith study. Reading about people. Listening to people. Teaching law students, some of whom are MAGA.

"Bigotry" is not my assumption. It's my conclusion after these decades of observation. See, you were in high school when Trump came into office. My guess is that most of your political education occurred during college, probably from other students as that's the way it usually works. And maybe some of the college students in 2019 just assume that it's bigotry and move on. But just because it happened this way for you doesn't mean it happens this way in general.

If you can't respect that my positions are thoughtful, informed and personally felt, then why should I give you the time of day? And I'm not alone here. Not everyone has time, memory, interest and/or ability to expound their thoughts and experience as clearly as I do, but a lot of posters have similarly thoughtful, informed and personally felt experiences. You get so much pushback because your posts so utterly fail to appreciate that. Usually you give a sandwich response like, "I hear you, I do, but [a whole lot of invalidation]" that gives no indication of meaningful engagement with the ideas you dismiss in the brackets. Maybe that's not what you mean, but that's the message you're sending.

3. I would say that you have repeated yourself over and over on this thread. That suggests your message isn't landing or isn't persuasive. And again, coming from someone who is preaching about persuading people, connecting with them over their lived experience, it's quite rich that you're doing neither.

I don't fault for you that, by the way. The message here isn't that you're a hypocrite. It's that things are much harder than want to acknowledge. If you can't get through to this audience, maybe the persuading thing is not so easy. While you've agreed with those words, I don't think you've really understood the message.

4. FYI, I did a lot of politics in Missouri in the 1990s. When I started, Missouri was a bona fide swing state, a bit more blue than red. When I left, it was on its way to becoming the red state Gilead that it is today. So I had my feet on the ground during some of these big shifts. What's more, the campaigns didn't have me go talk to black inner city voters. Probably a good choice. So they sent me to county fairs to talk to the blue collar white folks. I wasn't so good at that because I had trouble identifying with them, but I listened.

At the time , I was optimistic like you. Sure, we have racial struggle, but material concerns are important. In fact, my candidate's signature issue was protecting social security. He was a bit of a cultural liberal, a law professor by trade, but he had a long and distinguished resume with regard to social security.

Here's what I heard: very little about economics or money or trade or social security. This was around the time of NAFTA. The unions were perhaps making a lot of noise about it, but not so much the folks on the ground. Probably most of them didn't belong to a union. Not a single one ever expressed any interest in joining one, and a couple visibly recoiled when I asked them if they thought maybe unions might be helpful in solving some of the state's economic issues (there were a few Missouri-specific things that formed the basis for that chain of thought). Unions are for commies, they said.

By contrast, I heard A LOT about cultural grievances. Hillary was a lesbo. Slick Willie was a fraud, a fake Christian who sins and pretends to be repentant. Feminazis. Oh, man, did I hear a lot about feminazis. And yeah, plenty of hard rs. My only exposure to that, really. It usually came up in the following context: one of the leading candidates for the Dem primary that year was black. My candidate was less known, which is why we were out at the county fairs. So when I approached people, saying the standard line of "can I trouble you to talk about [ ] for a minute" or whatever we had been trained to say, a fair number of responses were, "that's not the n****" candidate, is it?" Hard r.

That's an anecdote, to be sure, but it's also backed up by data. And by discussions with others of similar age and experiences.
 
I was thinking the same thing. The trans issue for bathrooms with a loser. McCrory lost his political career for that issue and a couple others.
That was 2014, wasn't it? The trans panic was just getting started. It didn't have national resonance, which is why it was unpopular in North Carolina.

Something like 20 states have passed bathroom bills in the past couple of years, I think. It is not a loser any more.
 
Because by the time the major legal and political battles over gay rights peaked, most Americans already knew someone who was gay, or at least felt like they did. That made empathy intuitive. The core message of “love is love” resonated because people could map it onto a brother, a friend, a coworker, or a favorite celebrity. The political demand felt personal, familiar, and rooted in basic decency.

That isn’t true yet with trans rights. Trans people are a much smaller group, and many Americans still don’t personally know someone who is openly trans. That makes empathy harder to activate and fear easier to stoke. The right has taken full advantage of that by deliberately framing trans issues around kids, sports, and bathrooms to trigger confusion, anxiety, and moral panic. It’s a playbook: exploit unfamiliarity, invent a threat, then cast yourself as the protector of common sense and decency.

The result is that Democrats find themselves in a reactive posture: defending people who deserve protection, yes, but doing so in a rhetorical terrain shaped entirely by the right. There hasn’t been the same kind of proactive, emotionally resonant storytelling around trans dignity as there was around gay rights. And that’s not just a moral failure, it’s a strategic one.

This doesn’t mean Democrats should abandon trans people. It means they need to be smarter in how they fight for them. Lead with solidarity, not slogans. Connect trans rights to broader themes of bodily autonomy, personal freedom, and dignity; values that have wide resonance. And above all, stop taking the bait every time Republicans try to turn the most marginal example into the center of national discourse.

Rights get won through empathy and coalition-building. The gay rights movement got that right. The trans rights movement deserves the same kind of disciplined, emotionally grounded support.
Agree with almost all of that. I'll add that it seems like there was this feeling of franticness in the trans movement that we didn't really have with gay rights, previous civil rights movements or even much less important movements like legalized marijuana. I think some of the "We absolutely have to have everything perfect NOW for the trans community" turned people off. I attribute that, at least partially, to the wokeness movement trying to brow-beat the world into submission via (IMO) ridiculous phrases like "birthing person" or "menstruating person", shaming people into putting their pronouns in their work email signature, starting meetings by going around the room and giving your name and pronouns, not accepting anything but absolute acceptance of males in female sports etc.

People don't respond well to those type of tactics.

It was too much, too soon.
 
Something else to think about: North Carolina is a bit of an outlier among swing states in one important respect: there is not a central city that defines the state's politics. Michigan and Wisconsin have Detroit and Milwaukee. Ohio has Cleveland; Missouri St. Louis. Georgia, Atlanta and so on. North Carolina has some urban areas, obviously, but they are regionally separate, and nobody that I know has ever seen Mecklenberg and Wake Counties as more or less the same.

This is important because, in all of those states, the big city is coded Black in the state's politics. In most of these cases, it's not inaccurate: I don't know if Detroit is majority black, but it's certainly got a huge black population and most of its elected leaders over the years have been black. St. Louis was 50/50 at one point; don't know what it is now. Atlanta is definitely not majority black but it certainly coded that way.

What this means is that North Carolinians don't experience the racial politics of the other swing states in the same way. In Michigan, Missouri, Wisconsin and elsewhere, every statewide election is basically a fight between the big cities and the outstate interests, and almost always it's really a battle between white people and black people more than a battle over policy. There actually aren't a lot of state policies that have substantially different impacts on cities versus exurbs or even rural areas. That's why the race-baiting almost always with the old stereotypes in mind. My brother lived in Wisconsin for years and he couldn't stand the way that Republicans were doing Willie Horton shit in every election.

There's a lot of grievance over welfare and DEI and a whole bunch of other stuff coded black, but something I learned when doing canvassing in New Jersey was the amount of resentment that still exists about white flight. I mean, resentment among white people. Basically, they are still pissed that they moved out of the cities when black people came in, blaming black people I guess, and now that their ancestral homes are worth millions it makes them angry. At the black people, of course. In northern Jersey this sentiment is perhaps more pronounced than elsewhere (though I've not spend time in Detroit or Cleveland burbs). It's also true that I didn't entirely know how to deal with it because I was completely unprepared. And also I don't like to talk about it much because it raises memories of personal shit that was happening at the same time, but whatever.

But when a person in Morristown NJ says -- they sent me there because my wife at the time was Indian and there's a huge Indian population there, so she went to the Indian establishments and I knocked on doors in white areas -- that can't stand being pushed around by the special interest Dems, what does that mean? Well, I asked. He used to live in East Orange, NJ, but then the blacks came in and pushed him out. So he went to Morristown. Now the Indians are moving in and he was going to move again. This was 2010 so he was really pissed off that he was having trouble getting a mortgage to flee brown people.
I asked when he moved from East Orange. Turned out he was talking about his parents, in the 50s.

This dude was on my canvas list because he was a solid Dem voter. I suspect he is no longer a Dem voter. Anyway, I didn't want to raise this specific issue with people but I did start to ask them if they grew up in Morristown or elsewhere in the state. A lot of white flight from the cities. A lot of racial resentment.

This doesn't specifically speak to any of our issues, but it's worth thinking about. While NC politics doesn't easily map onto the Detroit/Michigan or Cleveland/Ohio dynamic, maybe the real estate envy does? RTP went from a sleepy real estate market to something hot. The sellers fleeing the Asian scientists might be irritable
 
2. Let's take a close look at this thing you wrote, and I'd like you to justify it or apologize. "You point out that they vote against their material interests but you don’t really ask why. You don’t show any curiosity about what emotional and social dynamics fill the void where trust in government used to be. You just slap the label “bigot” on them and move on." To this I want to respond: Fuck you, little twat. I don't respond that way because I'd like to be polite to good faith actors, but it's also true that some of this shit makes my blood boil and I'm not the only one. I don't think you really appreciate what you are implicitly saying.
You’ve now called me a “fucking twat” and implied others are thinking the same while still posturing as the reasonable, thoughtful adult in the room. That alone says more about where you’re at than where I’m at.

Let’s be clear: I haven’t insulted you. I’ve challenged your arguments. If that feels like invalidation, maybe that’s because you’re used to being listened to, not questioned. You frame your long career and credentials as proof of insight, but what I’ve been pushing back on is precisely this: the idea that time served is the same thing as political clarity.

You say you’ve spent decades trying to understand why people vote against their material interests and finally concluded…it’s bigotry. Fine. But if that’s the endpoint, then what’s the strategy? Write them off? Keep running the same turnout models and consultant playbooks while the right keeps building emotional loyalty? You insist “we’ve tried everything,” but Democrats haven’t tried what I’m arguing for: a universalist, emotionally resonant, class-rooted message delivered with moral clarity rather than donor-tested caution. Bernie hinted at it, and the party closed ranks. No one’s run it at scale in a general election since 2008. And even Obama did not fully lean into this kind of language.

You accuse me of offering “no meat,” but I’ve been naming the emotional and rhetorical failures that define liberal politics today. If you think more polling and focus groups will solve the problem, then say so plainly. But don’t pretend that’s a strategy for coalition-building. It’s a defensive maneuver for parties that have lost the plot.

You say I’m not persuading anyone. That’s just not true. Plenty of people have responded thoughtfully and supportively to what I’ve written, and I guarantee more are quietly watching. You might not like that I’m pushing a different vision, but don’t confuse disagreement with ineffectiveness. Persuasion isn’t always visible in real time. It often starts by naming something others have felt but couldn’t articulate.

You want me to show more curiosity about your experience. I have. That’s why I’ve kept engaging, in good faith, over dozens of posts. But you haven’t shown much curiosity about mine. In fact, you’ve shown contempt for it. I know what it means to grow up around working people whose lives are falling apart while both parties talk past them. I’m not “recycling” anything. I’m trying to crack through the defensive posture that passes for strategy in mainstream Democratic politics.

If that offends you, so be it. But don’t confuse challenge with disrespect. And don’t confuse your fatigue with the absence of alternatives.
 
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In the world where Dems won on gay rights and garnered the acceptance of a majority of the country in the process?
The Dems won the policy battle but it did not help the Dems at the ballot box. At no point in our country's history has "gay rights" been anything but a niche campaign issue, except in those elections when it was a main issue that hurt Dems. The Dems did the right thing even though it wasn't popular.

Seeing as how many GOP populists have scored political points by going after gay people -- not just trans people! Gay people! -- I don't think we're done getting punished at the ballot box for doing the right thing.
 
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