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First female president will be a transgender lesbian Democrat...deal with itFirst female President will be a Republican.

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First female president will be a transgender lesbian Democrat...deal with itFirst female President will be a Republican.
Roy says hold my beer (hopefully)We won’t vote for centrist milquetoasts for US Senator.
Roy runs and Thom is toastRoy says hold my beer (hopefully)
I seriously doubt whether Republicans will be willing to nominate a woman for POTUS anytime soon. Given the unhappy experiences of Hillary and Kamala, I now wonder if the first woman to become POTUS will be a Vice-President who takes over when the POTUS dies or is forced to step down for some reason. And that could happen in either party, although the Democrats have certainly been more willing to nominate women for veep (and president) as opposed to Republicans.First female president will be a transgender lesbian Democrat...deal with it![]()
I think most purple states aren't strictly purple, they're often closer to magenta (more red than blue) or violet (more blue than red). I think of NC as a magenta state in that it leans red while having a real opportunity to go blue in most elections.This is why I contend NC is a very purple State. Somehow we keep voting for Trump (3x in a row) but yet vote Dem Guvs. Of course the Pubs helped Stein this last go around by nominating the worst candidate in history for the office…
My hunch on this is that we have a small but significant group of Pub/Pub-lean voters - likely urban, pro-business Pubs - who tend to vote centrist Dem for governor as a firewall against what they know will be a fairly conservative GA due to the votes of the rural areas around NC. They want an overall conservative state government, but they want the governor to be a check against the worst impulses of NC Pubs. Pubs in the GA have completely obliterated the strength of that firewall by restricting the powers of the governor, but it was probably a good balance for more centrist Pubs in NC.One curious fact about NC politics is that we have a long tradition of electing moderate/centrist Dem governors while increasingly voting Republican (aided by gerrymandering in legislative and House races) for just about everything else, except the State Attorney General's office. In fact, McCrory's single term as governor (2013 to 2017) was the only GOP interruption in a series of Democratic governors dating back to 1992. Hunt served a second series of two terms in the 90s, Mike Easley served from 2001 to 2009, Bev Perdue from 2009 to 2013, Cooper his two terms (although as Snoop pointed out, he barely won in 2016 by just 0.2%), and now Stein. This pattern hasn't been replicated in other Southern states, so we're rather unique in that regard.
That’s a stretch too far… if we did that we might turn more blue than purple. Right now we seem more red than anything. Except the white milquetoast and of course Dems as Superintendent of DPI, Atty Gen., Sec. State and a newly certified SSCJustice… that’s a lot of blue right there…. To counter balance the flaming red House, Senate and State legislatures.We won’t vote for centrist milquetoasts for US Senator.
A little feedback that's meant to be positive and not critical..you read into my posts a lot of assumptions that are not only not there, but are incorrect. (That's not just true in this post, in nearly all of our discussions over time. It really makes it difficult to hold a discussion with you.) I'll address a few of those first...I appreciate your honesty and the depth of your response. Our backgrounds aren’t so different. I also grew up in a rural, working-class community in North Carolina, surrounded by many of the same attitudes and traditions you describe. Perhaps the key difference is that my community was more racially diverse: Black, white, and Latino families all living through the same economic precarity. Maybe that shaped me in a different way. I did see how solidarity could form across race and difference when people shared material struggles and treated each other with decency. I also saw how easily that solidarity could be disrupted by fear, scapegoating, and political manipulation. But I don’t think that has to be permanent. That’s the difference between us, and that’s a choice I made.
Your response confirms that our disagreement isn’t just strategic, it’s philosophical. You don’t just oppose populism; you reject the idea that politics can be about building trust, changing minds, or shifting emotional terrain. You describe a population that’s ideologically frozen and morally unreachable. But people aren’t stone tablets. You changed. Why assume others can’t?
[snip: for space]
The real danger isn’t trying to build a cross-racial working-class coalition. The real danger is giving up on that project and ceding the field to the demagogues.
You say you want to win. So do I. But I want to win more than elections. I want to win power and use it to materially improve the lives of working people across this country. That doesn’t happen through management. It happens through meaning and through movement.
Interesting stuff. Were you not jaded by the experience? What’s a congressional campaign cost? Did the incumbent win the general election?Going through the process was a learning experience indeed.
1 ) I learned that the press/news reporters are not very motivated to do legwork and interact face to face . They prefer to be spoonfed press releases.
Now it was 2006, an off year election with no state wide offices on the ballot. I called several news folks to inform them I was filing for Congress to challenge the incumbent Democrat in my district. I said I had a rather provocative platform and would be available for a Q&A after filing. MSM said just fax us a press release. I called several college newspapers. Only the dook** Chronical responded and asked when I would be filing. I told him (the editor ? ) that I would be filing at 10am. I shit you not that he said his reporters don't get up that early so fax us a press release.
2 ) I learned that self funding campaigns loses would be supporters who agree with you on the issues
3 ) I was able to interview with several liberal political groups who told me that we agree with your policy proposals and are not thrilled with the incumbent, but he can give us crumbs. After the interview with the Indy, I was counting on their important endorsement. When the time came for endorsements, the Indy published a very positive view of my platform, but like every other group , they said we will be endorsing the incumbent and hope he steps up.
So that was my experience going through the process.
The incumbent, David Price, won the General Election 65-35; he won the primary 90-6-4.Interesting stuff. Were you not jaded by the experience? What’s a congressional campaign cost? Did the incumbent win the general election?
You basically described me to a tee in this post. And I’m not alone!My hunch on this is that we have a small but significant group of Pub/Pub-lean voters - likely urban, pro-business Pubs - who tend to vote centrist Dem for governor as a firewall against what they know will be a fairly conservative GA due to the votes of the rural areas around NC. They want an overall conservative state government, but they want the governor to be a check against the worst impulses of NC Pubs. Pubs in the GA have completely obliterated the strength of that firewall by restricting the powers of the governor, but it was probably a good balance for more centrist Pubs in NC.
Of course, they don't do the same thing in national elections (POTUS, Senate) because they fear a Dem-led federal government and prefer crazy Pubs to centrist Dems at that level.
I'll do my answers by number, since it works so well.Since you laid this out in numbered sections, I’ll respond in kind. But I also want to return to the historical examples you’ve consistently avoided engaging. They’re not decorative. They’re central to the debate.
1. On emotional connection and political change:
You call emotional resonance rare and unreliable. Sure, it’s hard to generate. I’ve acknowledged that repeatedly. But when it lands, it reshapes the terrain. Reagan, Obama, Trump, Sanders; none of them led with white papers. They told stories that felt true. That’s not a fluke; it’s how mass politics works. Dismissing that as “unreliable” is like saying we shouldn’t shoot threes because they don’t always go in.
You now say you don’t reject the emotional dimension of politics, but in your earlier post, you explicitly argued that populist messages like “the government isn’t working for you” may motivate people, but lead to destabilization and negative outcomes. You linked that style of messaging to the rise of Trumpism. That’s not a neutral assessment. It’s a statement of deep skepticism toward emotional appeals as a political tool. If I concluded that you don’t trust emotion as a force for progress, that wasn’t me reading something into your argument. That was me just reading it.
We’re not in an era of trust and deference. We’re in an era of collapse. If you ignore the emotional side of politics, you’re just a technician trying to game turnout while the other side speaks to people’s souls.
2. On populism and authoritarianism:
You now say populism isn’t inherently authoritarian. But here’s what you actually wrote:
“Let me be clear about my stance: I am anti-revolution. I am even more deeply anti-populist. Populism is inevitably governance by the worst suited among us.”
That’s not a hedge, it’s a rejection. If you believe there’s a democratic, solidaristic populist tradition worth reclaiming, like the kind that built the labor movement or powered the Civil Rights era, you didn’t say so. You described populism as a gateway to authoritarianism. I took you at your word. If you’re revising that position now, fine, but that’s not on me. That’s your shift.
Technocracy doesn’t get a pass here either. It can become authoritarian too, especially when it treats the public as a problem to manage rather than a constituency to serve.
3. On changing minds:
You say you believe people can change, just rarely. But your own story of political transformation is framed as the exception, facilitated by exposure to elite institutions and new social norms. You then describe your neighbors as so deeply embedded in a traditionalist, hierarchical worldview that economic appeals won’t move them unless they specifically exclude the people those voters resent.
If that’s not a theory of political immovability, I don’t know what is. You’re not just saying change is hard. You’re arguing most people can’t be reached without reinforcing the very social order we’re trying to change. That’s a dead end.
4. On rural moral boundaries:
You now say rural folks are capable of generosity, just within narrow bounds. I agree. But in your post, you go much further. You describe a worldview rooted in preserving racial, gender, and religious hierarchy, and say that appeals to solidarity that don’t reaffirm that worldview will be rejected. You’re not just noting limits. You’re declaring solidarity impossible unless it accommodates bigotry. Again, that’s not me twisting your words. That’s the plain implication of your argument.
5. On electoral odds and risk:
You argue that left populist critiques helped birth Trumpism. I argue Trumpism filled the vacuum left by elite liberalism. You say populist strategy risks failure. But what do you call the current situation? Half the country lost, the courts captured, democratic faith crumbling; all under the technocratic, triangulated approach you’re defending.
You say the 2008 wave yielded only the ACA. I agree. But why? Not because the public wasn’t ready for change. It’s because no one was pushing from the left. Obama had the numbers. He lacked the will.
That’s the problem with your model: it treats politics as careful management, not as struggle. But history says otherwise: durable gains come from conflict, disruption, and moral pressure.
And you still haven’t answered the question:
Why do you think the 1930s labor uprisings, the Civil Rights movement, or the Poor People’s Campaign don’t apply today? You keep ignoring these examples because they break your model. These movements didn’t win by playing defense. They made demands, raised hell, and forced change. And when they won, they changed the country.
You’ve accused me of misreading your views, but you haven’t pointed to a single argument I distorted. What you’ve done is shift the tone of your position after I laid out its consequences. That’s not me being unfair, that’s you backing off the implications of your arguments.
This isn’t a tactical disagreement. It’s a different theory of change and democracy. You believe politics is about risk management and institutional stability. I believe it’s about shaping meaning, building pressure, and challenging the order that’s failing people. You treat movements as dangerous. I treat them as necessary.
And credit where it’s due: you said you’re anti-populist. Most liberals wouldn’t admit that. But the implications matter. That’s why I’m pressing them.
The cost for me was a $1500 filing fee and another $5000 in yard signs which included my name and " Protect the Constitution "Interesting stuff. Were you not jaded by the experience? What’s a congressional campaign cost? Did the incumbent win the general election?
As someone who also grew up in rural, small-town NC (in the foothills) I can say that this is also 100% my experience in dealing with working-class rural white Trumpers and Republicans generally. My parents and some relatives still live in my old hometown, and so I still have frequent contact with these people. And they do see themselves as kindly people who love to help their neighbors - as long as said neighbors look like them and think like them and come from the same demographic group (tribe, really) as they are. Once you move beyond that group, though, their compassion and concern quickly disappears. The community I grew up in was remarkably homogeneous - nearly all white, native-born (as in born and raised in that area), Baptist, and with few outsiders of any kind. And those are the people they care about and are comfortable being with. Once you move beyond that narrow group their friendliness and interest tends to evaporate and is replaced by suspicion, awkwardness, and even fear. And yes, they do talk often (usually based on what they see and hear on Fox News) about how dangerous and fearsome the world outside their little community or region is - too many immigrants and minorities and people who are not like them, nobody goes to church apparently, big cities are dangerous, crime-ridden hellholes, and so on. And "those people" need to be kept under control by police and have their welfare cut because they're living it up on welfare while good people like them are struggling to get by. It's like a broken record, really.4) It's not that I don't think folks in rural communities won't help their neighbors, it's that I think they tend to be really, really narrowly biased about who is their "neighbor". Most of the ones I know would give their neighbor the shirt off their back and would provide significant resources to help their neighbor...but they don't see the black/brown person, the LGBTQ person, or other marginalized folks at their "neighbor". They tend to live in very, very homogenous neighborhoods surrounded by folks like themselves and so the black/brown, LGBTQ, and other folks are viewed as outsiders and therefore not deserving of their help. It's not that most of conservative working class folks won't help their neighbor fix their car or that they disagree their kid or the kid next door should be able to go to the doctor without going bankrupt; it's that they don't care if the black man that lives 10 miles away in a different neighborhood gets his car fixed and they certainly don't care if his kid gets to go to doctor without him going bankrupt. I work in the non-profit sector in smaller NC counties and a major thing I repeatedly hear is about how "those people" take all the resources and "don't leave help for those that really need it"...and if you ask a few questions, "those people" are inevitably folks who don't look, believe, and behave like the speaker. One of the things that amazes me most about a large number of Christians, largely conservatives ones, is how they inevitably miss the point of the story of the Good Samaritan. It could not be any clearer, but nearly all the ones I know either never get it or completely ignore it. And it could not be clearer how much they miss it when you look at their voting patterns and see how they inevitably choose to be the Priest & Levite in that story rather than the Samartian.
And these folks represent a LOT of voting precincts-magnified greatly by Gerrymandering...As someone who also grew up in rural, small-town NC (in the foothills) I can say that this is also 100% my experience in dealing with working-class rural white Trumpers and Republicans generally. My parents and some relatives still live in my old hometown, and so I still have frequent contact with these people. And they do see themselves as kindly people who love to help their neighbors - as long as said neighbors look like them and think like them and come from the same demographic group (tribe, really) as they are. Once you move beyond that group, though, their compassion and concern quickly disappears. The community I grew up in was remarkably homogeneous - nearly all white, native-born (as in born and raised in that area), Baptist, and with few outsiders of any kind. And those are the people they care about and are comfortable being with. Once you move beyond that narrow group their friendliness and interest tends to evaporate and is replaced by suspicion, awkwardness, and even fear. And yes, they do talk often (usually based on what they see and hear on Fox News) about how dangerous and fearsome the world outside their little community or region is - too many immigrants and minorities and people who are not like them, nobody goes to church apparently, big cities are dangerous, crime-ridden hellholes, and so on. And "those people" need to be kept under control by police and have their welfare cut because they're living it up on welfare while good people like them are struggling to get by. It's like a broken record, really.
Oh, bullshit. I see plenty of Democrats who fly the American flag, Trumpers hardly have a monopoly on the American flag. And I know plenty of military vets who are Democrats and proudly wear their uniforms and such when it's appropriate. And plenty of Trumpers complain about the country all the time, especially when Democrats are in office. Trump himself has said the country was going to hell under Biden (or would have under Hillary or Kamala) and that if he didn't win then the country was finished. Republicans trash America all the time whenever a Democrat is in office. And using your analogy what do all those Trumpers who fly the Confederate flag indicate? Neither Republicans nor Democrats have a monopoly on these sorts of things, unless you're a Republican (not the middle, but a Republican) who is looking for something to justify your dislike of Democrats.Any political party has to win the middle.
When you see someone with an American flag, you know they aren’t Democrats.
When you see someone with a tshirt that supports the military, not Democrats.
When you see someone saying the country is evil and a huge problem for the world, Democrats.
Rightly or wrongly, these things do not capture the middle. The Democrats come off as a party that doesn’t like where they live.
You sound like my son.I don’t disagree with the description. I disagree with the implication that this is permanent. If rural white working-class voters were truly unreachable, the Populists, the CIO, and the civil rights-labor coalitions of the past would never have existed. The problem isn’t the people, it’s the loss of organizing, storytelling, and political structures that used to make solidarity tangible. That’s what we need to rebuild. Writing people off is easier. Fighting for them is harder, but it’s what movement politics demands.
The rural white southern working class was never organized, and there was sure as hell no civil rights-labor coalitions in the communities Snoop and Mulberry are describing. In the Piedmont mill town where I grew up, there was no dirtier word than “union.”I don’t disagree with the description. I disagree with the implication that this is permanent. If rural white working-class voters were truly unreachable, the Populists, the CIO, and the civil rights-labor coalitions of the past would never have existed. The problem isn’t the people, it’s the loss of organizing, storytelling, and political structures that used to make solidarity tangible. That’s what we need to rebuild. Writing people off is easier. Fighting for them is harder, but it’s what movement politics demands.