outstanding take by Brooks
I don’t think the left grasps reality in all its fullness.
www.nytimes.com
Too bad Batt Boy won't see any criticism of this piece. He has said he has me on super ignore because I once accurately described his position and he didn't like it. Anyway:
1. This is a very misleading headline. One of the most misleading headlines I've seen in a long time. I know that editors usually write the headlines, but one wonders what David Brooks thinks about it. One also wonders whether David Brooks' columns have been lagging in ratings, and so they are trying to attract controversy aka attention.
2. The reason it's so misleading is that he aligns himself with Kelsey Piper. She's literally the hero of his little story. Kelsey Piper is a committed liberal. If you read the exchange between Piper and the villain of the story, you might confuse it with some of the discussions between Paine and me. Except the roles are reversed. The young enthusiast (Piper) talks like me; the grizzled vet (I think that's what Bruenig is) talks like Paine. Anyway, "Piper is asking right questions; Bruenig is not" is a quintessentially liberal position.
What Brooks really means is that he's not a progressive. And indeed, when you read the article, you find that's who he is talking about. He describes the progressive world view that is basically Paine's -- historical materialism is the assumed backdrop for all analysis, and thus they don't ask questions about culture, etc.
3. Brooks' column does not accurately represent Bruenig at all. Basically, the argument between Piper and Bruenig (by the way, in case it wasn't clear, I read the underlying pieces, as I always like to go to the primary sources) is about this: should anti-poverty cash transfers ALSO try to accomplish other goals, like health or child development or decreased crime? Piper says no. The reason is familiar: limited resources. And so she favors policies that try to do many things at once. Anti-poverty programs should do more than modestly improve the immediate welfare of the recipients.
Her position is more politically realistic in our environment. There's a reason why the UBI folks have been touting all the other benefits that come from UBI -- namely, that American just don't like to give cash transfers to people to help them. It's unearned. It's unmerited. It rewards laziness. We've heard it all before. Bruenig says, "well, no matter what policy we pursue, at the end of the day the retiree is still retired; the paralyzed person still can't hold a job" and there was another example of two that I'm not remembering off the top of my head. He might be right, but of course in politics we won't be able to think about social security (which is deemed to be different than cash transfers) or the paralyzed nurse; we will get horror stories of welfare queens.
I have no strong feelings about UBI at the moment, given that I'm not sure whether it works. But part of that is a question of what it means to work. Bruenig says, "why isn't fighting poverty enough? Why isn't it enough to improve the consumptive welfare of the poor?" Why does humanitarian social policy also to be an investment. So I'm not sure what we want UBI to do; and I'm also not sure it works toward whatever goals we set. It is definitely something that we need to be talking about, urgently. There is a possible future in which robots and AI displace a lot of workers, both blue and white collar, and if we don't prepare, we are going to get wiped out with despair and anger.
4. If you read the debate between Piper and Bruenig, there's an obvious underlying subtext: it's effective altruism. Piper is a committed effective altruist. And effective altruists studiously, even religiously, want reams of hard data as to which programs are "effective" and then divert resources in that direction. There is much to be said in favor of effective altruism, but there are some weaknesses. For instance, effective altruists tie themselves in knots trying to figure out who we are being altruists toward -- is it just people living today, or is it all people from now until 2125? Should animals count, and how much? What about artificial intelligences? And once you start looking very far out in the future, you can justify any policy. The framework of data analysis breaks down.
The sociological weakness of effective altruism is that the movement is very much about rich people wandering into policy discussions they know little about, and throwing around money to shape the policy debate according to their views. I am quite certain this infuriates the old guard who have been fighting for justice for 30 years. Again, go back to Paine and me (and others, but to keep the story short I will reduce the cast of characters), imagine we were having our debates, and then I just bought the board and decided that all discussions had to be data-driven or else they weren't worthy of our time.
Old-timers in the policy community have long contended that effective altruism was nothing but a scam, a bunch of code words to justify rich people coopting liberal public policy to their own ends. Well, it turns out that the most prominent effective altruist -- Sam Bankman Fried -- was in fact nothing but a fraudster. And in an interview with Kelsey Piper, he was asked whether his support of effective altruism was just PR bullshit, and he said, "probably."
You can imagine how that went over in the policy community. Anyway, Bruenig talks to Piper like she's a janie-come-lately, wandering around the world cherry-picking studies to support her views without having any of the curiosity she brags about. I think that's unfair toward Piper, but it's also true that I don't live in a community that has been much affected by effective altruism.
5. So is Brooks' column an outstanding take? If it was really meant to explain why he isn't a liberal, it's pathetic and mendacious. If he was really explaining why he isn't a progressive, it asks interesting questions. I do not think it reports accurately on the discussion he's describing, and he is loading the deck in one direction by ignoring several of Bruenig's points. But at least it does shine a light on some intellectual debates going on. I just wish it did so more honestly.
And note: I say that even though Brooks is articulating a position closer to my own. Like, if I had to choose between the Piper/empirical approach and the Paine/ideological approach, I would go with Piper. But it's still important to represent the other side of a debate accurately. And so let me do that right now: I'm using Paine as a foil here for the sake of exposition; I should not imply that he generally fights against empirical evidence. He was conversant in data driven social science. His approach had an ideological basis, according to him, and on top of that he used empirical analysis. One can question (as I did) whether that is a combination that can cohere, given the tension between ideology and science, but I don't want to make him out, even in retrospect, as some sort of lunatic ideologue.