Assuming that you are referring to the border crisis and the way it was handled by the Biden administration, we agree on the facts of that. Title 42 was in place. Title 42 expired. The next action was in process and was implemented in June of 2024.
Where we disagree is whether or not politics played a role in the timing and general inaction during the 3 years. You have one opinion. I have a different one. Either way, they are only opinions.
All right! Now we can have a discussion.
1. Politics plays a role in everything the president does, almost by definition. If you took me to be saying that politics and optics were completely irrelevant, then you misunderstood. Maybe I wasn't clear about my position.
2. So after we rule out "it wasn't political at all" and "it was all about desperation optics" we can now try to assess what really happened. And yes, in this inquiry there will be disagreement, especially since neither of us were there. It's just important that everyone have the same understanding of reality. Here are some relevant facts, and I think we have agreed on them (in large measure, at least):
A. The timing of the 2024 regulation was largely dictated by the procedural requirements of the APA. Notice the word largely. I'm not going to argue that the Biden administration moved at maximum speed. I don't have any insight as to the policy making process within DHS, and I doubt that they went for an all-out blitz. They moved faster on Covid vaccines, for instance (as rightly they should).
So if you want to say that the 2024 regulation could have been finalized in early 2024 instead of put out for notice and comment in early 2024 with the finalization in June 2024, I can't tell you that you're wrong. But that's the window we're talking about. The difference between an all-out blitz and what Biden did would be about four months, I estimate. It isn't 2021 versus 2024.
B. The role of the courts cannot be underestimated here. The Ninth Circuit deemed Trump's migrant protection protocols illegal. The Fifth Circuit told Biden he couldn't discontinue Trump's immigration policy because doing so was contrary to law. The Supreme Court was doing nothing useful. It's really hard to make policy when courts are saying, collectively, that you basically can't do anything. It was eventually worked out -- the Ninth Circuit's decision was effectively mooted (although the district court might be bringing it back to life; remains to be seen what the Ninth will do about it), and the 5th Circuit decision set aside (I don't remember exactly how, and I don't want to look it up). But again, it takes time.
If you want the executive branch to make good policy, then one important reform would be to prevent litigants from picking the judges who will be most sympathetic to their cause simply by filing in certain locations. What we have now, with courts acting inconsistently and in some cases requiring the impossible (the Supreme Court had to rebuke the Fifth by noting that it was actually impossible for the government to abide by its order), it's a mess.
C. The US has responsibilities stemming from our treaty obligation. As I understand it, even the June 2024 order is pushing it a little bit with respect to the UN convention on refugees, but given worldwide politics, I think we have to expect some slippage from the ideal. But those treaty obligations place a floor, so to speak, as to what the US government can legally do. We cannot close our country to refugees or migrants. It's illegal.
I am not sufficiently knowledgeable to explain our treaty obligations in great detail. Nor I am expert enough to talk with authority about the international relations aspect -- i.e. what would happen if the US just thumbed its nose at the treaty. Within these bounds, my speculation is not considerably more informed than yours.